X-Spam-Status: No, score=-2.6 required=5.0 tests=BAYES_00,UNPARSEABLE_RELAY autolearn=unavailable version=3.1.0 Sender: -2.6 (spamval) -- NONE Return-Path: Received: from newman.eecs.umich.edu (newman.eecs.umich.edu [141.213.4.11]) by boston.eecs.umich.edu (8.12.10/8.12.9) with ESMTP id jA9Mg3S8027068 (version=TLSv1/SSLv3 cipher=DHE-RSA-AES256-SHA bits=256 verify=FAIL) for ; Wed, 9 Nov 2005 17:42:03 -0500 Received: from guys.mr.itd.umich.edu (guys.mr.itd.umich.edu [141.211.14.76]) by newman.eecs.umich.edu (8.13.2/8.13.0) with ESMTP id jA9Mg29B010658; Wed, 9 Nov 2005 17:42:02 -0500 Received: FROM newman.eecs.umich.edu (newman.eecs.umich.edu [141.213.4.11]) BY guys.mr.itd.umich.edu ID 43727B33.31F42.5065 ; 9 Nov 2005 17:41:55 -0500 Received: from harvest.eecs.umich.edu (harvest.eecs.umich.edu [141.213.4.12]) by newman.eecs.umich.edu (8.13.2/8.13.0) with ESMTP id jA9Mfqfx010634 (version=TLSv1/SSLv3 cipher=DHE-RSA-AES256-SHA bits=256 verify=NO) for ; Wed, 9 Nov 2005 17:41:53 -0500 Received: from harvest.eecs.umich.edu (localhost.eecs.umich.edu [127.0.0.1]) by harvest.eecs.umich.edu (8.13.1/8.13.0) with ESMTP id jA9Mfq2q008784 for ; Wed, 9 Nov 2005 17:41:52 -0500 Received: from localhost (jmickens Æ localhost) by harvest.eecs.umich.edu (8.13.1/8.13.1/Submit) with ESMTP id jA9MfqRQ008781 for ; Wed, 9 Nov 2005 17:41:52 -0500 Message-ID: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII X-Spam-Checker-Version: SpamAssassin 3.1.0 (2005-09-13) on newman.eecs.umich.edu X-Virus-Scan: : UVSCAN at UoM/EECS X-Virus-Scan: : UVSCAN at UoM/EECS Date: Wed, 9 Nov 2005 17:41:52 -0500 (EST) To: improvetheworld Æ umich.edu From: James W Mickens Subject: Re: moving on Status: O X-Status: X-Keywords: X-UID: 322 > Oppression of women is objective > reality by any reasonable definition of "objective" > and "reality." To steal from Richard Dawkins, my > advice to those still in doubt is simply, "go away and > read a book." Two people can agree on the empirical realities of a problem but disagree on the language that should be used to frame the debate. I can agree that there is misogyny in the world and that this misogyny is a problem without adopting such a strident tone. One reason that many people don't want to label themselves as "feminists" is that they feel uncomfortable with what they perceive the "feminist vernacular" to be. It's true that some of this perception is based on ignorance of the literature, but I think that a non-trivial amount of feminist literature has a lusty love affair with the hyperbolic. In popular culture, we hear things like Gloria Steinem's quote that "a woman needs a man like a fish needs a bicycle." But things can get even more outlandish in actual papers, e.g., when Marilyn Frye claims that "the parasitism of males on females" is objectively obvious, such that "males tend in shockingly significant and alarming numbers and in alarming degree to fall into mental illness, petty crimes, alcoholism, physical infirmity, chronic unemployment, drug addiction, and neurosis when deprived of the care and companionship of a female." The notion of "male as parasite" is a provocative one. Ignoring the accuracy or inaccuracy of this metaphor, it's fairly obvious that language like this is very dramatic and will make many people uncomfortable, even those who agree with the general premise that misogyny exists and is a problem. The use of such flowery prose and extended metaphor results in legitimate feminist critiques being misunderstood or discounted out of hand. For example, consider Michelle's comment about body images: "the female ideal of fragile stick-thin bodies is yet another means of encouraging women to take up less space in the world." When I originally read this, I was just as confused as Andrew Reeves. Was this meant to be a metaphor, a literal statement relating female size to empowerment, or a combination of the two? I don't think that I'm railing against a "straw feminist" when I claim that such ornamented language obscures the discourse. I'm also not railing against a "straw feminist" when I object to notions of hyper-plastic gender aesthetics. Michelle says that we must address "the intimate connection between feminine and beauty and the conflating of self-worth with an unhealthy aesthetic." I agree with the latter (conflating self-worth with an unhealthy aesthetic is the crux of the body-image problem), but we need to be realistic about the former (there will always be connections between femininity and beauty). I'm sure that Michelle didn't mean to imply that such connections can be totally abolished, but this isn't plain from the language, particularly when one dubs oneself a "radical feminist." Both of these examples show the need for simple, plain language when addressing important issues such as women's rights. Some say that to pull the center to the left, the progressive lexicon needs a certain boldness, a dramatic flair that paints the urgency of the liberal cause in broad, existential strokes. Fair enough. There is a time and a place for soaring oratory. There is a time and a place for the majestic words of a Martin Luther King. But remember that his lyricism was an inclusive one. In our attempts to move the center towards the left, we must not forget that the center has a language of its own. We cannot forget that the center has its entrenched interests, and that when presented with radical language, it will move in reactionary ways. The center is not an abstract political zone defined by the edges of the spectrum. It is a living, breathing collective comprised of people who we can recruit to our cause if we use the right arguments and the right words. I'd bet that the inclusive words of Martin Luther King touched the souls of more people than the separatist, divisive rhetoric of Huey Newton and the Black Panthers. You might say that radical feminism isn't separatist, but it is by the very fact that when one *chooses* to be called "radical," one chooses to define oneself in *opposition* to the majority, not in *partnership* with the majority to improve the prospects of everyone. The latter is what results in change, the former is what convinces people who are already on your side. I don't think that sexism or racism are so subtly entrenched yet so devastatingly pernicious that we have to launch some sort of intellectual Bolshevik revolution, closed and unknowable to a general population which is too backwards to understand its importance. Yes, sexism is real. Yes, the existence of racism is an objective reality. To argue otherwise is lunacy. But here's another objective reality: America has been moving to the right for the past thirty years. Democrats have watched key constituencies like unions bleed away into the darkness. Hispanics, the fastest growing minority group, are not axiomatically Democratic like African Americans have been for decades. For a progressive who cares about bringing social justice beyond the theoretical confines of the middle class ivory walls of academia, these are disturbing trends. The Democrats don't control any of the three branches of government. The political fortunes of hardcore progressives are even more dire. Can we continue to rely on a center-left lower-level judiciary as the protector of cherished civil rights, particularly when judges steeped in the struggles of the Civil Rights movement are rapidly aging and being replaced by conservatives? Assume that the views of radical feminism are correct. Assume that, as Michelle said so eloquently, "the very institutions in which we live currently foster discrimination/oppression; a fundamental reexamination of hidden assumptions and social norms emerging from these institutions is necessary to get to a new place." Assume that this is our best hope to achieve gender equality. Does this even matter if we can't get politicians elected who are willing to enact this agenda? If people are alienatated by the language of a righteous movement, that movement is impotent. And if that movement is truly righteous, if that movement truly has the potential to change people's lives, then to insist on couching its goals in a language without mass appeal is a tragic mistake. In fact, it is a *moral* mistake, because the result is unnecessary suffering for people who could have been helped earlier and more effectively. In my opinion, it is a mistake to use the phrase "radical feminism" when, at its essence, its goal is (or should be) the thoroughly *unradical* notion of equality and freedom for women. The use of the word "radical" implies "extreme," but there is nothing extreme in wanting people to be treated in a fair manner. Furthermore, the use of elaborate and exhaustive deconstructionalist techniques to reveal insidious hidden biases obscures the real message of feminism: women should and must be equal partners in a just society. Erica's suggestions about how to address misogyny were excellent, but by no means were they radical, and by no means do they require a "a fundamental reexamination of hidden assumptions and social norms." My critique of so-called radical feminism is not predicated on my underexposure to the literature. Furthermore, my critique is agnostic as to the correctness of radical feminist analysis. Instead, my critique is a pragmatic one. It is grounded in my desire to create effective social change instead of reams of academic papers that overflow with trenchant cultural observations. My question is this: if progressives continue to cling to divisive, obtuse language that cannot create sustained, large-scale political change, then who are we being progressive for? Are we really helping the oppressed, or just satisfying our predilections for theory? Are progressives afraid of that other "p" word: pragmatism? Having good intentions simply isn't good enough. ~j